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Indonesia-Pusaka
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Political Structure: Independent Republic.
Independence proclamation: August 17, 1945
Constitution 1945 : Embodies five principles of the state philosophy, called Pancasila, namely monotheism, humanitarianism,
national unity, representative democracy by consensus, and social justice.
Branches:
- Executive : President (head of state) chosen for a 5-year term by the 700-member
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).
- Legislative: 500-member House of Representatives (DPR) elected for a 5-year term.
- Judiciary : Supreme Court.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Indonesia is a republic based on the 1945 constitution providing for a limited separation of executive, legislative,
and judicial power. The Habibie government has fashioned political reform legislation that -- without changing
the 1945 Indonesian Constitution -- have formally set up new rules for the electoral system, the House of Representatives
(DPR), the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and political parties. An MPR decree adopted in November 1998
limits the president to two terms in office. Substantial restructuring has occurred since President Soeharto's
resignation.
The president, elected for a 5-year term, is the dominant government and political figure. He is selected. along
with the vice president by the MPR. The president, assisted by a cabinet that he appoints, has the authority to
conduct the administration of the government and is accountable only to the MPR.
A new mixed district/proportional system is expected to result in a more representative House of Representatives
(DPR), which might more effectively counter-balance the powers of the presidency. Under the new political laws
enacted in January 1999, the House of Representatives (DPR) has 500 members, of which 462 are elected and 38 appointed
seats reserved for for the armed forces (TNI). The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which elects the president
and vice president, has 700 members, consisting of the 500 members of the DPR, 135 provincial representatives selected
by provincial assemblies, and 65 representatives appointed by social and community groups.
Under the Soeharto regime, the ruling "functional group" GOLKAR dominated, and the United Development
Party (PPP), and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) were the only legal opposition parties. In the new political
system there is theoretically no limit on competitive political parties, though they must fulfill organizational
requirements demonstrating a presence in various provinces. Forty-eight parties fulfilled these criteria and participated
in the June polling.
The armed forces shaped and provided leadership for Soeharto's New Order from the time it came to power in the
wake of the abortive 1965 uprising. Military officers, especially from the army, have been key advisers to Soeharto
and Habibie and have considerable influence on policy. Under the dual function concept ("dwifungsi"),
the military asserts a continuing role in socio-political affairs. This concept has been used to justify placement
of officers serve in the civilian bureaucracy at all government levels, although there has been a recent tendency
to somewhat reduce the military's direct involvement in the civilian bureaucracies. Public calls for an end to
the military's dual role have increased since Soeharto's resignation.
Source: U.S. Embassy Jakarta
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PANCASILA DEMOCRACY
Pancasila Democracy is a system of life for the state and society on the basis of people’s sovereignty. It is inspired
by the noble values of the Indonesian nation. Pancasila itself, which means the five principles, is the name given
to the foundation of the Indonesian Republic. The five principles of Pancasila are Belief in the One and Only God;
A Just and civilized humanity; the Unity of Indonesia; Democracy guided by the inner wisdom of deliberations of
representatives; and Social Justice for all the Indonesian people.
Thus Pancasila Democracy means democracy based on people’s sovereignty which is inspired by and integrated with
the other principles of Pancasila. This means that the use of democratic rights should always be in line with the
sense of responsibility towards God Almighty according to the respective faith; uphold human values in line with
human dignity; guarantee and strengthen national unity; and be aimed at realizing social justice for the whole
of the people of Indonesia.
In a democrafic life based on Pancasila, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR),
being the highest state institution, has a very important role to play. As an institution which fully exercises
the sovereign rights of the Indonesian people MPR should always reflect the aspirations and the wishes of the people
with all its decisions or decrees. And as the holder of the highest power in the state, the Assembly appoints the
President and Vice-President and determines the Guidelines of State Policy for implementation by the President.
The House of Representatives (DPR), the members of which are from the people and are elected by the people, has
the function of exercising control over the conduct of the administration by the President. The mechanism of this
control by the House of Representatives constitutes a means to prevent constitutional deviation or deviations from
the people’s wish by the government. |
NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS
When regional wars of independence failed, Indonesian nationalists began thinking of a more-organized struggle
against Dutch colonialism.
The move began with the founding-of Boedi Oetomo, literally meaning "noble conduct," on May 20, 1908.
This organization of Indonesian intellectuals was initially set up for educational purposes but later turned to
politics. It was inspired by Japan’s victory over Russia in 1901, which also gave impetus to nationalist movements
in many parts of Indonesia. The founder of Boedi Oetomo was Dr. Soetomo who was, at the time, a student of STOVIA,
an institution of train Indonesian medical officers. Dr. Soetomo was greafly influenced by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo
and supported by Gunawan and Suradji.
In 1912 Sarekat Dagang Islam, the Association of Moslem Merchants, was formed by Haji Samanhudi and others. Its
objective was at first to stimulate and promote the interest of Indonesian business in the Dutch East Indies. However,
in 1912 this organization of middle class businessmen turned into a political party and was renamed Sarekat Islam
under the leadership of H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Haji Agoes Salim and others.
In 1912 a progressive Moslem organization, Muhammadiyah, was established by K.H. Akhmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta for
the purpose of social and economic reforms.
In December of the some year Partai Indonesia was founded by Douwes Dekker, later named
Setiabudi, with Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo and Ki Hajar Dewantoro. The objective of the party was to strive for complete
independence of Indonesia. All three leaders of the party were exiled by the colonial government in 1913.
In 1914 communism was introduced in the East Indies by three Dutch nationals-Sneevliet, Baars and Brandsteder.
In May 1920 Sarikat Islam split into a right and a left wing, the later was to become the Partai Komunis Indonesia
(PKI, the Indonesian Communist Party) under the leadership of Semaun, Darsono, Alimin, Muso and others.
The Powerless People’s Council or Volksraad
In 1916 Sarikat Islam held its first convention in Bandung and resolved the demand self-government for Indonesia
in cooperation with the Dutch. When Sarikat Islam demanded a share in the legislative power in the colony, the
Dutch responded by setting up the Volksraad in 1918 which was virtually a powerless people’s council with an advisory
status.
Indonesian representatives on the council were indirectly elected through regional councils, but some of the other
members were appointed colonial officials.
The Volksraad later developed into a semi-legislative assembly. Among the members of
this body were prominent nationalist leaders like Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo, H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Abdul Muis, Dr.
G.S.S.J. Ratulangi, M.H. Thamrin, Wiwoho, Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo, Dr. Radjiman, and Soekardjo Wiryopronoto.
Under the pressure of the social unrest in the Netherlands at the end of World War 1, the Dutch promised to grant
self-government to Indonesians. This was known as the "November promise." It was a promise that never
met.
Besides the Volksraad, there was another body called Raad van Indie, "the Council of the Indies," whose
the members were appointed by the Government Achmad Djajadiningrat and Sujono were among the very few Indonesian
members of this council.
Restrictions of Civil Liberties
In 1923 deteriorating economic conditions and increasing labor strikes prompted the colonial government to put
severe restrictions on Indonesian civil liberties and make amendments to the colonial laws and penal codes. Freedom
of assembly, speech and expression in writing was restricted.
Further Growth of Indonesian Organizations
Despite the political restrictions, on July 3, 1922 Ki Hajar Dewantoro founded Taman Siswa, an organization to
promote national education.
In 1924 the Indonesian Students Association, "Perhimpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia,"
was formed by Drs. Mohammad Hatta, Dr. Sukiman and others. This organization became a driving force of the nationalist
movement to gain independence.
The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) staged revolts against the colonial government in November 1926 in West Java,
and in January 1927 in West Sumatra. After their suppression the Government exiled many non-communist nationalist
leaders to Tanah Merah, which the Dutch called "Boven Digul" in Irian Jaya. Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo was
exiled to Bandaneira.
In February 1927 Mohammad Hatta, Achmad Soebardjo and other members of lndonesia’s Movements attended the first
international convention of the "League Against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression" in Brussels, together
with Jawaharlal Nehru and many other prominent nationalist leaders from Asia and Africa.
In July 1927, Soekarno, Sartono and others formed the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), which adopted Bahasa
Indonesia as the official language. This party adopted a militant policy of noncooperation with the Government
as the result of a fundamental conflict of interest between Indonesian nationalism and Dutch colonialism.
In the same year, and all-Indonesia nationalist movement was organized by Indonesian
youth and women to replace earlier organizations, which had been based regionalism, such as "Young Java,"
"Young Sumatra" and "Young Ambon."
On October 28, 1928, delegates to the second Indonesian Youth Congress in Jakarta pledge allegiance to "one
country, one nation and one language, Indonesia."
Meanwhile, the Technical Faculty was set up in Bandung in1920, and the Law Faculty was opened in Jakarta in 1924
to replace the former Law School. The Medical Faculty was opened in Jakarta in 1927 to replace the old Medical
School. Except for the Technical Faculty in Bandung, all the faculties in Jakarta were merged in the University
of Indonesia in 1964 in independent Indonesia.
Concerned about the growing national awareness of freedom, the colonial authorities arrested the PNI leader, Soekarno,
in December 1929. This touched off widespread protests by Indonesians.
In 1930 the world was in the grip of an economic and monetary crisis. The severe impact of the crisis was felt
in the Indies, a raw material producing country. The colonial government responded with a strict balance budget
policy that aggravated economic and social conditions.
Two other leaders of the PNI, Gatot Mangkupradja and Maskun Supriadinata, were arrested
and tried in court on charges of plotting against the Government. Soekarno was released in September 1931 but exiled
again in August 1933. He remained in Dutch custody until the Japanese invasion in 1942.
In January 1931, Dr. Soetomo founded Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia, the Indonesian Unity Party. Its objective was
to improve the social status of the Indonesian people.
In April of the same year, PNI was abandoned. A new party was formed by Sartono, LLM and named Partai Indonesia,
the Indonesian Party. Its basis was nationalism, its line was independence.
Also in 1931, Sutan Syahrir formed Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia. Known as the new PNI, it envisaged national education.
Mohammad Hatta joined this organization.
In 1933 a mutiny broke out on the Dutch warship "De Zeven Provincien" for
which Indonesian nationalists were held responsible. The following year Sutan Syahrir and Mohammad Hatta and other
nationalist leaders were arrested and banished until1942.
In 1935, Soetomo merged Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia and Boedi Oetomo to form Partai Indonesia Raya (Parindra). Its
fundamental goal was the independence of Great Indonesia.
The Indonesian Petition
In July 1936, Sutardio submitted to the "Volksraad" a petition calling for greater autonomy for Indonesia.
This petition was flatly rejected by the Dutch-dominated Council.
In 1937 Dr. A.K. Gani started the Indonesian People’s Movement, Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia, which was based on the
principles of nationalism, social independence and self-reliance.
In 1939 the All Indonesian Political Federation, GAPI, called for the establishment
of a full-fledged Indonesian parliament. This demand was rejected by the Government in Holland in 1940.
GAPI also demanded an Indonesian military service for the purpose of defending the country in times of war. Again,
this was turned down, notwithstanding the impending outbreak of World War II. At the time, there were widespread
movements for fundamental and progressive reforms in the colonies and dependencies in Asia |
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| Source: www.deplu.go.id (Department of Foreign Affairs update November 2002) |
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The transition from Sukarno's Guided Democracy to Suharto's New Order reflected a realignment
of the country's political forces. The left had been bloodied and driven from the political stage, and Suharto
was determined to ensure that the PKI would never reemerge as a challenge to his authority. Powerful new intelligence
bodies were established in the wake of the coup: the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order
(Kopkamtib) and the State Intelligence Coordination Agency (Bakin). The PKI had been crushed on the leadership
and cadre levels, but an underground movement remained in the villages of parts of Java that was methodically and
ruthlessly uprooted by the end of 1968. Around 200,000 persons were detained by the military after the coup: these
were divided into three categories depending on their involvement. The most active, Group A, those "directly
involved" in the revolt, were sentenced by military courts to death or long terms in prison; Group B, less
actively involved, were in many cases sent to prison colonies, such on Buru Island in the Malukus, where they remained
under detention, in some cases until 1980; Group C detainees, mostly members of the PKI peasant organization, were
generally released from custody. (As late as 1990, four persons were executed for involvement in the coup. Although
the delay was explained as due to the length of the judicial appeals process, many observers believed that Suharto
wanted to show that the passage of years had not softened his attitude toward communism.)
Communists aside, Suharto generally dealt with opposition or potential opposition with
a blend of cooptation and nonlethal repression. According to political scientist Harold A. Crouch, Suharto's operating
principle was the old Javanese dictum of alon alon asal kelakon, or "slow but sure." Thus, he gradually
asserted control over ABRI, weeding out pro-Sukarno officers and replacing them with men on whom he could depend.
The army was placed in a superior position in relation to the other services in terms of budgets, personnel, and
equipment. Nasution, Indonesia's most senior general, was gently pushed aside after he left the post of minister
of defense and security to become chairman of the DPR in early 1966. Although he later retired from public life,
Nasution remained a potential rival to Suharto although he never publicly spoke out or exploited his favorable
popular image.
Like Sukarno's Guided Democracy, the New Order under Suharto was authoritarian. There
was no return to the relatively unfettered party politics of the 1950-57 period. In the decades after 1966, Suharto's
regime evolved into a steeply hierarchical affair, characterized by tight centralized control and long-term personal
rule. At the top of the hierarchy was Suharto himself, making important policy decisions and carefully balancing
competing interests in a society that was, despite strong centralized rule, still extremely diverse. Arrayed below
him was a bureaucratic state in which ABRI played the central role. Formally, the armed forces' place in society
was defined in terms of the concept of dwifungsi. Unlike other regimes in Southeast Asia, such as Thailand or Burma,
where military regimes promised an eventual (if long-postponed) transition to civilian rule, the military's dual
political-social function was considered to be a permanent feature of Indonesian nationhood. Its personnel played
a pivotal role not only in the highest ranks of the government and civil service but also on the regional and local
levels, where they limited the power of civilian officials. The armed forces also played a disproportionate role
in the national economy through militarymanaged enterprises or those with substantial military interests.
Although opposition movements and popular unrest were not entirely eliminated, Suharto's
regime was extraordinarily stable compared with its predecessor. His success in governing the world's fourth most
populous and, after India, ethnically most diverse nation is attributable to two factors: the military's absolute
or near-absolute loyalty to the regime and the military's extensive political and administrative powers. In the
mid-1980s, approximately 85 percent of senior officers were Javanese (although the percentage was declining). Suharto
wisely averted a problem of many military regimes: the monopolization of the higher ranks by senior military officers
who frustrate the aspirations of their juniors. In 1985 he ordered an extensive reorganization of the officer corps
in which the Generation of 1945, who had taken part in the National Revolution, was largely retired, the younger
generation promoted into command positions, and an extensive reorganization accomplished in order to promote efficiency.
Other factors in stability include the establishment of a large number of corporatist-style
organizations to link social groups in a subordinate relationship with the regime. These included organizations
of a social, class, religious, and professional nature. Rather than imposing cultural and ideological homogeneity--
a virtually impossible task given the society's diversity--Suharto revived the Sukarno-era concept of Pancasila.
Suharto's approach to political conflict did not reject the use of coercion but supplemented it with a rhetoric
of "consultation and consensus," which, like Pancasila, had its roots in the Sukarno and Japanese eras.
Source: U.S. Library of Congress |
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