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Political Structure: Independent Republic.


Independence proclamation: August 17, 1945
Constitution 1945 : Embodies five principles of the state philosophy, called Pancasila, namely monotheism, humanitarianism, national unity, representative democracy by consensus, and social justice.

Branches:

  • Executive : President (head of state) chosen for a 5-year term by the 700-member People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).
  • Legislative: 500-member House of Representatives (DPR) elected for a 5-year term.
  • Judiciary : Supreme Court.


GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Indonesia is a republic based on the 1945 constitution providing for a limited separation of executive, legislative, and judicial power. The Habibie government has fashioned political reform legislation that -- without changing the 1945 Indonesian Constitution -- have formally set up new rules for the electoral system, the House of Representatives (DPR), the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and political parties. An MPR decree adopted in November 1998 limits the president to two terms in office. Substantial restructuring has occurred since President Soeharto's resignation.

The president, elected for a 5-year term, is the dominant government and political figure. He is selected. along with the vice president by the MPR. The president, assisted by a cabinet that he appoints, has the authority to conduct the administration of the government and is accountable only to the MPR.

A new mixed district/proportional system is expected to result in a more representative House of Representatives (DPR), which might more effectively counter-balance the powers of the presidency. Under the new political laws enacted in January 1999, the House of Representatives (DPR) has 500 members, of which 462 are elected and 38 appointed seats reserved for for the armed forces (TNI). The People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which elects the president and vice president, has 700 members, consisting of the 500 members of the DPR, 135 provincial representatives selected by provincial assemblies, and 65 representatives appointed by social and community groups.

Under the Soeharto regime, the ruling "functional group" GOLKAR dominated, and the United Development Party (PPP), and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) were the only legal opposition parties. In the new political system there is theoretically no limit on competitive political parties, though they must fulfill organizational requirements demonstrating a presence in various provinces. Forty-eight parties fulfilled these criteria and participated in the June polling.

The armed forces shaped and provided leadership for Soeharto's New Order from the time it came to power in the wake of the abortive 1965 uprising. Military officers, especially from the army, have been key advisers to Soeharto and Habibie and have considerable influence on policy. Under the dual function concept ("dwifungsi"), the military asserts a continuing role in socio-political affairs. This concept has been used to justify placement of officers serve in the civilian bureaucracy at all government levels, although there has been a recent tendency to somewhat reduce the military's direct involvement in the civilian bureaucracies. Public calls for an end to the military's dual role have increased since Soeharto's resignation.

Source: U.S. Embassy Jakarta

 
PANCASILA DEMOCRACY


Pancasila Democracy is a system of life for the state and society on the basis of people’s sovereignty. It is inspired by the noble values of the Indonesian nation. Pancasila itself, which means the five principles, is the name given to the foundation of the Indonesian Republic. The five principles of Pancasila are Belief in the One and Only God; A Just and civilized humanity; the Unity of Indonesia; Democracy guided by the inner wisdom of deliberations of representatives; and Social Justice for all the Indonesian people.

Thus Pancasila Democracy means democracy based on people’s sovereignty which is inspired by and integrated with the other principles of Pancasila. This means that the use of democratic rights should always be in line with the sense of responsibility towards God Almighty according to the respective faith; uphold human values in line with human dignity; guarantee and strengthen national unity; and be aimed at realizing social justice for the whole of the people of Indonesia.


In a democrafic life based on Pancasila, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), being the highest state institution, has a very important role to play. As an institution which fully exercises the sovereign rights of the Indonesian people MPR should always reflect the aspirations and the wishes of the people with all its decisions or decrees. And as the holder of the highest power in the state, the Assembly appoints the President and Vice-President and determines the Guidelines of State Policy for implementation by the President.

The House of Representatives (DPR), the members of which are from the people and are elected by the people, has the function of exercising control over the conduct of the administration by the President. The mechanism of this control by the House of Representatives constitutes a means to prevent constitutional deviation or deviations from the people’s wish by the governm
ent.
NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS

When regional wars of independence failed, Indonesian nationalists began thinking of a more-organized struggle against Dutch colonialism.

The move began with the founding-of Boedi Oetomo, literally meaning "noble conduct," on May 20, 1908. This organization of Indonesian intellectuals was initially set up for educational purposes but later turned to politics. It was inspired by Japan’s victory over Russia in 1901, which also gave impetus to nationalist movements in many parts of Indonesia. The founder of Boedi Oetomo was Dr. Soetomo who was, at the time, a student of STOVIA, an institution of train Indonesian medical officers. Dr. Soetomo was greafly influenced by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo and supported by Gunawan and Suradji.





In 1912 Sarekat Dagang Islam, the Association of Moslem Merchants, was formed by Haji Samanhudi and others. Its objective was at first to stimulate and promote the interest of Indonesian business in the Dutch East Indies. However, in 1912 this organization of middle class businessmen turned into a political party and was renamed Sarekat Islam under the leadership of H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Haji Agoes Salim and others.

In 1912 a progressive Moslem organization, Muhammadiyah, was established by K.H. Akhmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta for the purpose of social and economic reforms.


In December of the some year Partai Indonesia was founded by Douwes Dekker, later named Setiabudi, with Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo and Ki Hajar Dewantoro. The objective of the party was to strive for complete independence of Indonesia. All three leaders of the party were exiled by the colonial government in 1913.



In 1914 communism was introduced in the East Indies by three Dutch nationals-Sneevliet, Baars and Brandsteder.

In May 1920 Sarikat Islam split into a right and a left wing, the later was to become the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, the Indonesian Communist Party) under the leadership of Semaun, Darsono, Alimin, Muso and others.

The Powerless People’s Council or Volksraad

In 1916 Sarikat Islam held its first convention in Bandung and resolved the demand self-government for Indonesia in cooperation with the Dutch. When Sarikat Islam demanded a share in the legislative power in the colony, the Dutch responded by setting up the Volksraad in 1918 which was virtually a powerless people’s council with an advisory status.

Indonesian representatives on the council were indirectly elected through regional councils, but some of the other members were appointed colonial officials.


The Volksraad later developed into a semi-legislative assembly. Among the members of this body were prominent nationalist leaders like Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo, H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Abdul Muis, Dr. G.S.S.J. Ratulangi, M.H. Thamrin, Wiwoho, Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo, Dr. Radjiman, and Soekardjo Wiryopronoto.



Under the pressure of the social unrest in the Netherlands at the end of World War 1, the Dutch promised to grant self-government to Indonesians. This was known as the "November promise." It was a promise that never met.

Besides the Volksraad, there was another body called Raad van Indie, "the Council of the Indies," whose the members were appointed by the Government Achmad Djajadiningrat and Sujono were among the very few Indonesian members of this council.

Restrictions of Civil Liberties

In 1923 deteriorating economic conditions and increasing labor strikes prompted the colonial government to put severe restrictions on Indonesian civil liberties and make amendments to the colonial laws and penal codes. Freedom of assembly, speech and expression in writing was restricted.

Further Growth of Indonesian Organizations

Despite the political restrictions, on July 3, 1922 Ki Hajar Dewantoro founded Taman Siswa, an organization to promote national education.


In 1924 the Indonesian Students Association, "Perhimpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia," was formed by Drs. Mohammad Hatta, Dr. Sukiman and others. This organization became a driving force of the nationalist movement to gain independence.

The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) staged revolts against the colonial government in November 1926 in West Java, and in January 1927 in West Sumatra. After their suppression the Government exiled many non-communist nationalist leaders to Tanah Merah, which the Dutch called "Boven Digul" in Irian Jaya. Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo was exiled to Bandaneira.

In February 1927 Mohammad Hatta, Achmad Soebardjo and other members of lndonesia’s Movements attended the first international convention of the "League Against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression" in Brussels, together with Jawaharlal Nehru and many other prominent nationalist leaders from Asia and Africa.

In July 1927, Soekarno, Sartono and others formed the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), which adopted Bahasa Indonesia as the official language. This party adopted a militant policy of noncooperation with the Government as the result of a fundamental conflict of interest between Indonesian nationalism and Dutch colonialism.


In the same year, and all-Indonesia nationalist movement was organized by Indonesian youth and women to replace earlier organizations, which had been based regionalism, such as "Young Java," "Young Sumatra" and "Young Ambon."

On October 28, 1928, delegates to the second Indonesian Youth Congress in Jakarta pledge allegiance to "one country, one nation and one language, Indonesia."

Meanwhile, the Technical Faculty was set up in Bandung in1920, and the Law Faculty was opened in Jakarta in 1924 to replace the former Law School. The Medical Faculty was opened in Jakarta in 1927 to replace the old Medical School. Except for the Technical Faculty in Bandung, all the faculties in Jakarta were merged in the University of Indonesia in 1964 in independent Indonesia.

Concerned about the growing national awareness of freedom, the colonial authorities arrested the PNI leader, Soekarno, in December 1929. This touched off widespread protests by Indonesians.

In 1930 the world was in the grip of an economic and monetary crisis. The severe impact of the crisis was felt in the Indies, a raw material producing country. The colonial government responded with a strict balance budget policy that aggravated economic and social conditions.

Two other leaders of the PNI, Gatot Mangkupradja and Maskun Supriadinata, were arrested and tried in court on charges of plotting against the Government. Soekarno was released in September 1931 but exiled again in August 1933. He remained in Dutch custody until the Japanese invasion in 1942.

In January 1931, Dr. Soetomo founded Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia, the Indonesian Unity Party. Its objective was to improve the social status of the Indonesian people.

In April of the same year, PNI was abandoned. A new party was formed by Sartono, LLM and named Partai Indonesia, the Indonesian Party. Its basis was nationalism, its line was independence.

Also in 1931, Sutan Syahrir formed Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia. Known as the new PNI, it envisaged national education. Mohammad Hatta joined this organization.


In 1933 a mutiny broke out on the Dutch warship "De Zeven Provincien" for which Indonesian nationalists were held responsible. The following year Sutan Syahrir and Mohammad Hatta and other nationalist leaders were arrested and banished until1942.

In 1935, Soetomo merged Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia and Boedi Oetomo to form Partai Indonesia Raya (Parindra). Its fundamental goal was the independence of Great Indonesia.

The Indonesian Petition

In July 1936, Sutardio submitted to the "Volksraad" a petition calling for greater autonomy for Indonesia. This petition was flatly rejected by the Dutch-dominated Council.

In 1937 Dr. A.K. Gani started the Indonesian People’s Movement, Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia, which was based on the principles of nationalism, social independence and self-reliance.


In 1939 the All Indonesian Political Federation, GAPI, called for the establishment of a full-fledged Indonesian parliament. This demand was rejected by the Government in Holland in 1940.

GAPI also demanded an Indonesian military service for the purpose of defending the country in times of war. Again, this was turned down, notwithstanding the impending outbreak of World War II. At the time, there were widespread movements for fundamental and progressive reforms in the colonies and dependencies in Asia
 
Source: www.deplu.go.id (Department of Foreign Affairs update November 2002)
 
The transition from Sukarno's Guided Democracy to Suharto's New Order reflected a realignment of the country's political forces. The left had been bloodied and driven from the political stage, and Suharto was determined to ensure that the PKI would never reemerge as a challenge to his authority. Powerful new intelligence bodies were established in the wake of the coup: the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order (Kopkamtib) and the State Intelligence Coordination Agency (Bakin). The PKI had been crushed on the leadership and cadre levels, but an underground movement remained in the villages of parts of Java that was methodically and ruthlessly uprooted by the end of 1968. Around 200,000 persons were detained by the military after the coup: these were divided into three categories depending on their involvement. The most active, Group A, those "directly involved" in the revolt, were sentenced by military courts to death or long terms in prison; Group B, less actively involved, were in many cases sent to prison colonies, such on Buru Island in the Malukus, where they remained under detention, in some cases until 1980; Group C detainees, mostly members of the PKI peasant organization, were generally released from custody. (As late as 1990, four persons were executed for involvement in the coup. Although the delay was explained as due to the length of the judicial appeals process, many observers believed that Suharto wanted to show that the passage of years had not softened his attitude toward communism.)

Communists aside, Suharto generally dealt with opposition or potential opposition with a blend of cooptation and nonlethal repression. According to political scientist Harold A. Crouch, Suharto's operating principle was the old Javanese dictum of alon alon asal kelakon, or "slow but sure." Thus, he gradually asserted control over ABRI, weeding out pro-Sukarno officers and replacing them with men on whom he could depend. The army was placed in a superior position in relation to the other services in terms of budgets, personnel, and equipment. Nasution, Indonesia's most senior general, was gently pushed aside after he left the post of minister of defense and security to become chairman of the DPR in early 1966. Although he later retired from public life, Nasution remained a potential rival to Suharto although he never publicly spoke out or exploited his favorable popular image.

Like Sukarno's Guided Democracy, the New Order under Suharto was authoritarian. There was no return to the relatively unfettered party politics of the 1950-57 period. In the decades after 1966, Suharto's regime evolved into a steeply hierarchical affair, characterized by tight centralized control and long-term personal rule. At the top of the hierarchy was Suharto himself, making important policy decisions and carefully balancing competing interests in a society that was, despite strong centralized rule, still extremely diverse. Arrayed below him was a bureaucratic state in which ABRI played the central role. Formally, the armed forces' place in society was defined in terms of the concept of dwifungsi. Unlike other regimes in Southeast Asia, such as Thailand or Burma, where military regimes promised an eventual (if long-postponed) transition to civilian rule, the military's dual political-social function was considered to be a permanent feature of Indonesian nationhood. Its personnel played a pivotal role not only in the highest ranks of the government and civil service but also on the regional and local levels, where they limited the power of civilian officials. The armed forces also played a disproportionate role in the national economy through militarymanaged enterprises or those with substantial military interests.

Although opposition movements and popular unrest were not entirely eliminated, Suharto's regime was extraordinarily stable compared with its predecessor. His success in governing the world's fourth most populous and, after India, ethnically most diverse nation is attributable to two factors: the military's absolute or near-absolute loyalty to the regime and the military's extensive political and administrative powers. In the mid-1980s, approximately 85 percent of senior officers were Javanese (although the percentage was declining). Suharto wisely averted a problem of many military regimes: the monopolization of the higher ranks by senior military officers who frustrate the aspirations of their juniors. In 1985 he ordered an extensive reorganization of the officer corps in which the Generation of 1945, who had taken part in the National Revolution, was largely retired, the younger generation promoted into command positions, and an extensive reorganization accomplished in order to promote efficiency.

Other factors in stability include the establishment of a large number of corporatist-style organizations to link social groups in a subordinate relationship with the regime. These included organizations of a social, class, religious, and professional nature. Rather than imposing cultural and ideological homogeneity-- a virtually impossible task given the society's diversity--Suharto revived the Sukarno-era concept of Pancasila. Suharto's approach to political conflict did not reject the use of coercion but supplemented it with a rhetoric of "consultation and consensus," which, like Pancasila, had its roots in the Sukarno and Japanese eras.


Source: U.S. Library of Congress
 
PEOPLE
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Due to Indonesia's emergence into an archipelago where its inhabitants, though of one similar ancestry , were separated by seas and therefore lost contacts, have caused the individual development of cultures, including their languages and their growing into diversification.


Nevertheless, the population of Indonesia has been reclassified, not so much on the basis of their racial origins, but more so on the basis of their linguistic identities caused by mentioned diversification, into four ethnic groups. A pure classification according to their racial origins is difficult to realize due to their inter-marriages. These four main ethnic groups are the Melanesians (the mixture between the Sub-Mongoloids with the Wajaks), the Proto-Austronesians (including the Wajaks), the Polynesians and the Micronesians.

These Melanesians are again sub-divided into the Acehnese of North Sumatra, the Batak in Northeast Sumatra, the Minangkabaus in West Sumatra, the Sundanese in West Java, the Javanese in Central and East Java, the Madurese on the island of Madura, the Bali-nese, the Sasaks on the island of Lombok, and Timorese on Timor Island. On the island of Borneo in Indonesia's Kalimantan, one finds the Dayaks. On the island of Sulawesi in the north are the Minahasas and in the center the Torajas, and in the southern part, Makasarese and the Buginese. The Ambonese in the Maluku and the Irianese in Papua are Polynesians and Proto-Austronesians. The Micronesians are found on tiny islets of Indonesia 's eastern borders.

The population of Indonesia is about 210 million, the fourth most populous in the world next to China, India and the United States. One of the biggest current problems is uneven population distribution. For instance, about 62% of the population living in the island of Java, whose land area consitute only 7% of the country’s total territory.


Language and Dialects

Languages and dialects spoken and written over the whole of the Indonesian archipelago, 150 to 250 in number, are usualy clasified according to the above mentioned ethnic denominations. The main district local languages of Indonenesia are among others: the Acehnese, Batak, Sundanese, Javanese, Sasak, Tetum of Timor, Dayak, Minahasa, Toraja, Buginese, Halmahera, Ambonese, Ceramese, several Irianese languages and other such languages. In between these languages there exist many other different dialects.

Indonesia's National Language has been officially introduced since Indonesia 's independence and is called the BAHASA INDONESIA. Its lexicon and structure is mainly based on the Malay language enriched by Indonesia 's lexicon of her multi-local languages and dialects. Although the Bahasa Indonesia has since been regarded as the Lingua Franca, yet local languages are equally valid and no attempt and intention exist to abolish these local languages and dialects. Therefore, the greater part of the Indonesian nationals are bilingual.

In August 1973, Indonesia and Malaysia signed a cultural agreement in which similar spelling of both the Malaysian “Bahasa Persatuan" and the lndonesian "Bahasa Indonesia” has been agreed upon.

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Ethnic Group

The first inhabitant of Indonesia dates back 500,000 years ago, named Pithecanthropus erectus by Eugene Dubois who found the fossils at several places on the island of Java in the vicinity of the Bengawan Solo River. The fosil found in 1891 and 1892 in the village of Trinil, were called Homo Soloensis, while those found in Wajakkensis. Homo Soloensis with the same characteristic as the Austro Melanosoid people had roamed to the West (Sumatra) and to the East (Papua).

In the period of 3,000-500 BC, Indonesia was inhabited by Sub-Mongoloid migrants from Asia who later inter-married with the indigenous people. ln 1,000 BC, inter-marriage still occurred with Indo-Arian migrants from the South-Asian sub-continent of India. The influx of the Indian settlers until the seventh century AD brought about the Hindu religion spread throughout the archipelago.

Moslem merchants from Gujarat and Persia began visiting Indonesia in the 13th century and established trade links between this country and India and Persia. While conducting trade, the Gujarat and the Arab people also spread the Islamic religion in this area. The first to accept the Islamic religion were the coastal kingdoms, which before had embraced Hinduism.

In Aceh, Islam was widely accepted by the community with the Pasai and Perlak Kingdoms becoming the first Moslem kingdoms in the archipelago. First accepted by court circles, Islam found its way to the community at a later stage. Particularly in Java, the "Wali Songo" (Islamic preachers) had played a very important role.

It was in 1511, that Portuguese arrived in Indonesia. The arrival of the Portuguese should be linked to the European demand for spices. They were followed by Spaniards, the Dutch and the British. Besides search for spices, they propagated Christianity. In the rivalry that ensued, the Dutch ultimately succeeded in gaining the trade monopoly in spices throughout the archipelago, thus making the beginning of 350 years of Dutch colonialism over the country .

In the period preceding independence, Indonesia 's community was made up of a large variety of ethnic groups or rural communities. The member of each group are tied to each other by a sense of solidarity and identity which finds its roots in the land, language, art, culture and customs they share.

There are about 500 ethnic groups in Indonesia spread from Sabang (the northernmost tip of Sumatra) to Merauke in Papua. The Javanese community comprises the largest number of Indonesia's total population, followed by the Sundanese, Madurese, Minangkabau, Buginese, Batak and the Balinese. Other ethnic groups are among others the Ambonese, Dayaks, Sasaks, the Acehnese, etc. Apart from the indigenous communities, other subcommunities of foreign descent are the Chinese, Arabs and Indians.

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Religion

Besides the variety of ethnic groups, different religions are found in Indonesia. One of the special characteristics of the Indonesia culture is the high appreciation of the community towards religion and the faith in One and Only God.

There are five world religions, which have formally been recognized in Indonesia, they are Islamism, Catholicism, Protestanism, Hinduism and Buddhism. Nevertheless, other faiths are found, especially in isolated societies, which have been accepted and are called traditional faith. According to statistics, the majority of the Indonesian people are Moslems.

The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, paragraph 2 article 29 ensures freedom of religious practice. Every Indonesian citizen has the right to adhere to the religion of his /her own choice and there shall be no religious discrimination. Every citizen shall respect and be tolerant to each other belief while any form of anti-religious program shall be condemned and prohibited.

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Art and Culture

Indonesia is rich in art and culture which are interwined with religion and age-old tradition from the time of early migrants with western thought and cultural values initially brought by Portuguese traders and Dutch colonialist. The basic principles which guide life, include the concepts of mutual assistance or “gotong-royong” and consultation or “musyawarah” to arrive at consensus of “mufakat”. Derived from rural life, this code of behaviour or “adat” law still exists in community life throughout the country, differing from area to area.

Religious influences on the community are evident from island to island. Unlike some countries, art forms in Indonesia is not only based on folklore, as many were developed in the courts of former kingdoms such as in Bali and Java, where they are part of religious ceremonies.

The famous dance dramas of Java and Bali are derived from Hindu Mythology. Highly stylized in movement and costume, dances and the “wayang” (puppet) drama are accompanied by a full “gamelan” orchestra comprising of xylophones, drums, string instruments and flutes. The bamboo instrument called “angklung” of West Java are well known for their unique tinkling notes. The leather shadow puppet, called “Wayang Kulit” of Java is performed with the puppets held by the puppeteer against a white screen, with the shadow of the characters on the screen visible from the other side, where the audience are seated.

The crafts of Indonesia vary in both medium and art form. The people are artistic by nature and express their ideas, inspiration and thought on wood, metal, clay, cloth and stone. Batik is the famous waxed and dyed cloth of Java, produced in some other areas such as in Bali, Jambi and Madura which varies in their respective local creativity and colouring. Other provinces produce hand-woven cloths of gold and silver threads, silks or cottons with intricate designs, such as Lampung, Palembang, Makassar and West Nusa Tenggara.

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INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY
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Indonesia’s foreign policy, like that of any other country, is shaped by various factors such as the nation’s history, its geographic conditions, its demography and its security and national interest. These factors prompted Indonesia to adopt a foreign policy that is independent and active, as espoused in 1948 by Mohammad Hatta, then Indonesia’s Vice President.

Indonesia’s Independent and Active Foreign Policy is not about being “neutral“ or taking “equidistant” positions on international issues, nor is it a policy of “neglecting” or “ignoring” developments in world affairs.

The word “independent” means that Indonesia alone will decide and determine its own position on world issues without external pressures or influence. The word “active” means that Indonesia is committed to participating in constructive efforts that help build and maintain a just and peaceful world. The philosophy behind this principle is the mandate enunciated in Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution. Moreover, having been subjugated by a colonial power for over 300 years, Indonesia inevitably adopted a foreign policy that is anti-colonialist.

In the conduct of its foreign policy, Indonesia also adheres to the following guidelines:

The Pancasila, the state ideology
The Wawasan Nusantara, (archipelagic sense)
National Resilience
The Broad Outline of State Policy
The adoption of these guidelines in Indonesian foreign policy was stipulated by provision of law, particularly Act No. 37/1999 on Foreign Relations and Act No. 24/2000 on Treaties.

Under the State’s Guideline for 1999-2004, Indonesia aims to achieve a strong foreign policy and diplomacy; develop foreign economic cooperation; implement broad extradition agreements; and engage in bilateral, regional and global/multilateral cooperation.

To reach these goals, the Department of Foreign Affairs laid down the following objectives: Restore Indonesia’s international image; help boost the economy and public welfare; help strengthen national unity, stability and integrity, and preserve the nation’s sovereignty; develop bilateral relations, particularly with countries that can support Indonesia’s trade and investment and economic recovery; as well as promote international cooperation that helps build and maintain world peace.

To ensure that these goals are within reach, the Department of Foreign Affairs puts emphasis on diplomatic cooperation with countries that are within a series of concentric circles.

The first of such concentric circles, which Indonesia considers a major pillar of its foreign policy, is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Just beyond that first circle, Indonesia likewise puts importance to promoting relations with its eastern and southern neighbors, prompting Indonesia to be engaged with the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), the Southwest Pacific Dialogue, and with the recently established Tripartite Consultation between Indonesia, Australia and Timor Leste.

Also within the second concentric circle is the ASEAN + 3 (the three being Japan, China and South Korea). Beyond that, Indonesia puts a premium on its relations with the United States and the European Union, both of which are major economic partners of Indonesia.

In compliance with the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia also gives importance to working with like-minded developing countries. That is why Indonesia is deeply involved with the Non-aligned Movement (NAM), the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the Group of 77 (G –77) and the Group of 15 (G-15). It is in this context that Indonesia remains supportive of the struggle of the people of Palestine toward the establishment of an independent Palestinian State within their own homeland.

Indonesia’s diplomacy also aims to solidify the collective effort of developing countries to bridge the gap between the developed and the developing countries. The forums that address this problem are the NAM, OIC, G-15, G-77 and D-8, in all of which Indonesia plays an active role.

At the global level, Indonesia hopes to strengthen multilateralism through the United Nations. From a political and security perspective, the end of the Cold War 13 years ago also revealed strong unipolar tendencies, characterized by the emergence of one single military power with global reach. The hope for a new world order based on multilateral processes has become slimmer as a result of this conspicuous unilateralism.

Indonesia has consistently emphasized the central role of the UN in resolving issues on international peace and security. In line with the UN Charter, the issue of peace and security is a collective responsibility of all member states through the mechanism entrusted to and a mandate vested in the Security Council. Accordingly, Indonesia rejects all unilateral decisions taken outside the framework of the UN.



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